4: Saints out of Wolves
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The remnants of the army headed homeward from Augsburg. Although the loss of human life
was not disastrous, internal relations in the homeland were undergoing realignment. Change
was occurring in part, perhaps, because the Kabars and other ethnic groups that had joined
the Hungarians also participated in the marauding raids, and thus also in the defeat at
Augsburg, in significant numbers, while the leading ethnic group, the Hungarians, had
remained more entire. (True, the men lost in the war hardly left an irreplaceable void.
Polygamy was still common, and the custom of levirate whereby the oldest brother of the
deceased warrior was obliged to marry his widow, to raise his children, and to beget
additional offspring, still existed. Thus the capacity of women to bear children and the
rate of infant mortality determined almost exclusively the increase in population.)
The remnants of the army headed homeward from Augsburg. What was their final
destination? We know this much, that the leading circles of Hungarians still kept dual
lodgings, changing dwelling-places in winter and summer, leading a nomadic life. In
keeping with the custom of the peoples from the Steppes, they also maintained marshes in
the Carpathian Basin, that is, uninhabited zones of land all around, with marsh gates and
with auxiliary forces stationed there to guard the borders. The process of laying out
these marshes was easy in a region broken up by mountains, and also in the south where
rivers and swamps protected them. This was also the case in the west, at the feet of the
Alps. At this time, the upper marshes along the Danube stretched somewhere into the Vienna
Basin.
While we know all this, our information is, in certain respects, less than that about
earlier times. The traces of the frequent raids survived, often in the form of chief
warriors' names, in the chronicles of the affected regions which at first were filled with
lamentation but later with exultation. News about the Hungarians withdrawing to their
borders was more rare, the facts fewer.
What was the situation in Europe in the second half of the tenth century? Across the
Channel, King Edgar was the first to rule all of England. On French soil, the Capet
dynasty was supplanting the Carolingians; it had strong dukedoms, and a weak royal house.
The German (Saxon) Otto I, the victor at Augsburg, was more than a match for his own
princes; waging war in all directions, he became so powerful that in 962 he had himself
crowned emperor of the Holy Roman Empire in Rome. His son, Otto II, married the daughter
of the emperor of Byzantium-it raised a dream of reviving the Roman Empire. On the Iberian
Peninsula, the ousting of the Moors was invariably the aim. In Scandinavia, in addition to
the growing separation of the Danes, Norwegians, and Swedes, the counteractions of the
pagan opposition hindered Christianization; with the age of Norman (Viking) marauding
raids in Europe coming to an end, the nimble ships turned northward: Erik the Red reached
Greenland, his son America at Labrador. Byzantium temporarily gained ground, while leaders
distinguishing themselves against the Arabs seized the imperial throne with hands stained
with each other's blood. On Bohemian (Moravian) soil, a complicated German-Slavic
mudwrestling match went on in the disintegrating kingdom of Greater Moravia, which
actually never existed; Prague developed into an important European city and was a
bishopric from 972 on. On Polish soil, too, Christianization gained momentum, and a
monarchy formed over the small principalities. On Russian soil, the endless metamorphosis
of power factions could barely be followed; here the slow expansion of Christianity came
from Byzantium, and its effect can be felt to the present day in the development of the
region.
What is the most striking feature of this fleeting panorama? It is the raising of the
cross in the sky throughout Europe, and the subjugation of lesser power centers, although
setbacks mark both processes. Meanwhile, conversions, Christianization-particularly its
western course-served to unify: it strengthened what is termed "supranational"
in peoples. In the centralization of power and in the organization of worldly dominion,
the integrating role of ethnic groups grew rather secretly, one can say, unconsciously. To
the Hungarians' good fortune, it was precisely those among Árpád's descendants holding
the greatest power who recognized both the direction and importance of these processes.
At the same time, our facts about this more peaceful time are, as we mentioned, more
limited. This much is certain, however, that during the generation following Augsburg,
Gyula, the leader of Transylvania, the eastern part of the country enjoying considerable
independence, cast an eye upon Byzantium; he welcomed missionaries from there, became a
Christian himself, and founded a bishopric. Looking westward instead, Taksony, the chief
prince and man of armed peace, sought political tranquillity with the Germans but did not
commit himself with respect to religion. Meanwhile, "old-fashioned" military
campaigns were occasionally launched both east and west, but the age of marauding raids
was irretrievably over. And those Hungarians with the most restless blood had no
opportunity to set sail for new continents, as the Vikings had; nor could they return to
the former homeland, as the Moors had to Africa. If not expressed as clearly as the
nineteenth-century poet, Mihály Vörösmarty, will in his hymn entitled Szózat,
the same conviction was already rooted among the most foresighted Hungarians:
No place exists for you
In the whole world but this;
Fate's hand may bless or damn you:
Here must you live or die.
Taksony's son, Géza, who was chief prince from 970 to 997 -perhaps he also wore the
title of king at the end of his life-was willing to become a Christian, but he continued
to participate in pagan rites, and, according to one story, when his attention was called
to this fact, he replied haughtily: he was such a wealthy lord that he had enough treasure
to sacrifice abundantly to two gods.
Géza's son, Vajk, who received the name Stephen on becoming a Christian-the same as
his father's, though thereafter he used his new and not his old name-was prince from 997
to 1000 and king from 1000 to 1038. His coronation could have taken place on December 25,
1000 or on January 1, 1001, with a crown sent by Pope Sylvester II, or by Otto III, the
emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, according to another opinion.
Stephen defeated Koppány, and had his body quartered for his rebellion and had the
parts nailed on the gates of the country's four cities. This episode occurred later,
however. First, let us see how the date of the coronation may have been chosen, which was,
in certain respects, only a formal but still indispensable ceremony for Stephen. Was the
day accommodated to the pagan holiday of the winter solstice occurring a couple of days
earlier, though at this time it was not accurately determined, so that the pagan part of
the population -the majority- would understand once and for all who their ruler is? Or
exactly the opposite, to December 26, to the Christian name day of Deacon Stephen? After
all, Taksony's son, Géza, and then Géza's son, Vajk, hardly received the name of the
early missionary and martyr in Jerusalem accidentally. Or, instead, was the commencement
of the new, the second millennium according to the Christian calendar to which the papacy
attributed unparalleled importance at this time taken into account? Whichever one of these
or all three together was the case, Stephen's coronation was carefully planned not only as
a binding political and religious act but also as a pure ceremony.
With what date can we begin this historical epic poem broken into prose that Stephen I,
the Hungarian king, undoubtedly deserves? With 997 or 1000 or the year of the final event
when King Ladislas I, who was also raised to the ranks of Rome's saints not much later,
had sainthood conferred on Stephen, his son, Prince Emeric, and Emeric's tutor, Bishop
Gerard (Gellért), simultaneously on August 20, 1083?
We shall not begin with any of these. The prose epic poem is not our genre. And anyway,
not wanting to diminish Stephen's greatness, we must not stress dates or narrower time
periods. Passage from Taksony to well after Stephen was constant, despite every breach and
regression. The Hungarian nation was not founded by a single act nor by a single ruler,
though Stephen's reign was very long, extending over more than four decades. What
commenced in the middle of the tenth century bestowed enough tasks upon a whole line of
rulers, even to the extinction of the kings of the House of Árpád, to the beginning of
the fourteenth century.
Still, Stephen's lifework is so significant that he cannot be described simply as one
of the figures in a long historical process.
Taksony and then his son, Géza, already saw the triumph of the cross in Europe; they
themselves, however, were leading a people, a conglomeration of peoples, who remained
steadfastly pagan in their beliefs. Taksony and his son perceived that some other,
stronger sword would carve out ever more power, territory, and population everywhere in
Europe for itself; that mass migration would abate; that security would no longer be
provided by mobile manpower but by walls and the producers and valuable goods they
protected. They themselves, however, were leaders of a social class -their own military
retinue- that was so restless and accustomed to constant changes of place that they
remained subject to their will. Walls could hardly be found in the new homeland in the
Carpathian Basin, unless they were odd, foreign Roman ruins. Craftsmen lived in exactly
the same fragile villages as the plowing and planting peasants did, and a goodly number of
valuable objects wound up in pagan sacrificial places as gifts to the gods or were buried,
in keeping with pagan rite, in graves.
How could one hang on and create security here? When necessary, Taksony even gave up
some of his newly gained territory; for example, the Vienna Basin, where the border
marshes ran farther in and more to the east. However, we can, it seems, only guess at his
political thinking and plans for action: he was maneuvering, gaining time-for his
descendants.
The wife of Taksony's son, Géza, was a Christian; she was Sarolt from Transylvania,
Gyula's daughter. Géza gave his own daughters in marriage to Boleslaw (the Brave) I, the
ruler of Poland, to Samuel Aba, the leader of the Kabars, and to Otto Orseolo, the Doge of
Venice. For his son, Stephen, he chose Gisela, a princess of Bavaria, as bride. This
unheard-of deliberateness elevates Géza so high in our esteem because we do know that he
still had not changed as much in his heart as in his politics. He became a Christian, but
only half-heartedly: he made his offerings in two directions. But, we think, we suspect,
this was hardly a tactic on his part: he did not want to deceive the gods or the people by
appearing to be a Christian externally and a pagan internally. It was simply that: that
was what he was like. His feelings still pulled him back; listening to his intellect, he
looked ahead.
Recently, a belief entered the realm of probability, to the effect that the foundations
of many structures reputed to be from Stephen's time had already been laid down by Géza.
And this can be extended symbolically. In the founding of the state, no matter how long
this process took, the roles of the two rulers, Prince Géza and Géza's son, King
Stephen, were unquestionably enormous. Géza handed down the decision. The burden of
execution was bequeathed to Stephen.
The son and grandson of half-pagan Géza were both canonized by the Catholic Church.
With cause? Definitely. But probably not entirely for what was ascribed 10 them in the
writings of the legend makers in the monasteries. Some sources described Stephen and
especially Prince Emeric as pious souls. Actually, there was hardly a Hungarian king who
was more iron-handed than Stephen, and Emeric, as far as we know, died while hunting wild
boar.
The reign of Stephen I began with Chief Koppány, the lord of the southwestern part of
the country, putting his rule in jeopardy while Stephen was still prince. By right of
levirate, Koppány demanded that Stephen's mother, Géza's widow, Sarolt, become his wife.
And, of course, he laid claim to the throne. Since we know that Koppany was not Géza's
brother, he could have been his cousin. Perhaps he was the son of Taksony's other son,
whose name is not known. But he could also have been the descendant of another Árpád
branch. (Here history is obscure because the chronicles were written mostly by the
lettered slaves of the victors, who, crudely correcting the facts at times, were capable
of falsifying genealogy, of amending points of legality, and of altering disasters and
victories to their opposites; they redrew maps, made documents disappear; they distorted
the tales in accordance with changing interests.)
Later, with the Géza branch dying out without progeny, the male line of the Árpáds
continued through the descendants of Taksony's other son. However, Stephen defeated
Koppány and his clan with his own military retinues and the German knights taken into
service at his court before his coronation. The chronicles saw this conflict mainly as the
struggle between the still pagan and the already Christianized parts of Hungary. Although
this motive played a role-and will frequently return in the wars for the Hungarian throne
-the real opposition was more related to power than to faith. Two lines of succession had
collided: who should succeed to the throne, the oldest male within the ruling house or the
son of the deceased ruler?
In 1002, Stephen had to wage war against Gyula of Transylvania. One can hardly speak of
a pagan rebellion here: Gyula, we remember, had been a Christian for a long time. Later
-the year is not known- Stephen defeated the chief of the southern region of the country,
Ajtony, who was also an Eastern Christian. However, when Vászoly attacked him -who was
probably Koppány's brother, but at the time of his clan's rebellion still so young that
he evaded the bloody reprisal -it again seemed that pagan-Christian hostility was flaring
up. Moreover, it also appeared especially if Vászoly's campaign can indisputably be put
immediately before Stephen's death -that he was preparing for nothing more than the sacral
murder of the king in compliance with pagan customs, when he made his attempt on Stephen's
life precisely in the fortieth year of his reign. (According to another, more romantic
hypothesis, every nineteenth year, power crises, rebellions, and emerging pretenders to
the throne disturbed the reign of the House of Árpád with such consistency that this
seemed to prove the survival among the pagans of the lunar year used by many ancient
peoples and equivalent to nineteen solar years [Metonic cycle]; in this case, Vászoly
rose against his royal nephew after the passage of two lunar years.)
Stephen had Vászoly's eyes gouged out and hot lead poured into his ears. His three
sons, Andrew, Béla and Levente, escaped to Poland. They were to return home from there
some day.
Amid the terrible domestic and foreign wars, which, however, never reached a tragic
scale, Stephen had the means and strength to organize and build the state. His most
important act in the secular sphere was the elimination of the earlier tribal and clan
structure. He appropriated two-thirds of the lands belonging to the clans, made them the
estates of the royal crown and their people the servants of castles, and divided the
country into some fifty counties. The mobilizable people of the counties, under the
leadership of ispáns (bailiffs), served territorial defense. The land and people
ruled by the chief prince's tribe, supplemented by the new crown lands and their
inhabitants, were independent of the counties, and, at the same time, supplied the
economic support and manpower for the king's standing army.
An extremely strong central power was necessary for this enormous appropriation.
Obviously, the land was then sparsely inhabited, and only a small portion was under
cultivation; furthermore the abandonment of dual quarters (winter along the rivers and
summer amid good pastures) and the cessation of what remained of the nomadic way of life
opened up large territories. In choosing ispáns, the king placed his trust in
foreigners dependent only on him and in a few leaders of the ancient clans -this way, the
two checked and balanced each other.
Laying the foundation of the church structure paralleled that of the secular
reorganization. The new decanal districts and the counties were more or less identical;
ten bishoprics came into being, and the one in Esztergom immediately and the one in
Kalocsa shortly became archiepiscopal sees. Stephen was generous in granting privileges
and estates to the Church. While earlier the Greek Orthodox rite spread predominantly east
from the Danube and in some places actually crossed into former Pannonia, Géza and then
Stephen steadfastly assisted the conversion and organizational activities of the Roman
Church. The fact that Stephen founded a Greek monastery for nuns in Veszprém Valley for
the Greek princess chosen as wife for Emeric was not inconsistent with this policy.
We know about Stephen's correspondence with the famous French Benedictine center, with
Abbot Odilo at Cluny: he asked for relics of saints for Hungarian churches. But one of the
chief centers of domestic religious life, the Abbey of Pannonhalma, molded its life and
rules after the example of the also Benedictine Monte Cassino, in Italy.
In the course of his major measures in religious matters, Stephen transformed the
custom relating to the markets. He decreed that markets be held every seventh day
sanctified in compliance with the commands of the Church. Thus the name of this day was
first vásárnap (market day) and then vasárnap (Sunday) in Hungarian.
Every group of ten villages had to build a church, and two households, or families, were
obligated to perform socage service in its support, with a stallion and a mare, six oxen,
two cows, and thirty small animals.
It is worth visiting a church from the time of Stephen or one not much later but still
constructed at his command. The nave of the Romanesque church at Karcsa erected of ashlar
and built in the thirteenth century, is surprisingly small. A closer look reveals that
today's chancel, built of bricks and having a three-quarter arch, was a much earlier,
eleventh-century village church that was attached to the new nave as a chancel during its
expansion in the thirteenth century. It is impossible, we should think, that this tiny
round church met the needs of ten villages for two hundred years. Could the pagan
tradition have remained this strong, attendance at Mass so small? They were, perhaps,
content to have the roof only above the priest and the altar and people stand about in the
open during the contemporary Mass.
The tragedy of Stephen -and of the entire House of Árpád and of the nation as well
-was that among the children of the king who ruled for forty-one years only a single son
reached adulthood, who himself died as a young successor to the throne. According to
written sources of the Church, Emeric led such a saintly life that he vowed chastity with
his Greek (Byzantine) wife, and they never consummated their marriage. Was this so? Who
knows? In the light of what we know about the temperament of the members of the House of
Árpád or the political prudence with which they wove their dynastic marriage bonds, we
are inclined to doubt it. Would the only adult son of Stephen have behaved this way whom
Géza so carefully prepared to rule and who himself so carefully groomed Emeric for his
future independent life and his reign with fatherly and kingly advice? (We can consider
Stephen's Book of Exhortations [Intelmek könyve] to his son as the
first known Hungarian literary work.) A son whom his father had already entrusted with the
leadership of the army while he was quite young in order to strengthen his stature as
successor to the throne? Collateral succession to the throne always, and in this age
particularly, concealed great perils, and not solely for the "defeated" family.
It is, however, a fact that Emeric remained childless, and became, in 1031, the victim
of a hunting accident (perhaps a murderous attack?). We even know the date of his death:
September 2. But we do not know his age at the time.
After Emeric's death, Stephen designated his sister's son, Peter Orseolo, as his
successor; he summoned him to his court and prepared him to rule. His other sister's
husband, the Kabar Samuel Aba, wore the honorific of palatine (in case of need, the
palatine replaced the
king). In 1038, Peter ascended the throne. However, internal opposition ejected Peter,
who had to depend heavily on foreign lords, and in 1041, the opposition made Samuel Aba
king. By 1044 he also had to fight internal rebellion, over which he could triumph only by
murdering fifty lords mercilessly. Emboldened by this, Peter returned with the help of the
troops of Henry III, the Holy Roman Emperor. Samuel Aba fell during one of the battles for
the throne - a treacherous assassin killed him. The crown again belonged to Peter for two
years, but he was forced to flee in the fall of 1046. Then his successor, Andrew I, one of
Vazul's sons, had him apprehended and blinded. Hereafter, the descendants of Vazul of the
House of Árpád sat on the royal throne of Hungary for a quarter of a millennium.
However, fortune reversed itself. In the age of marauding raids, those who wanted to
increase their power in the neighboring regions called on Hungarian auxiliary forces for
assistance; then a balance of power largely prevailed for a period of time in East
European territories surrounding the Carpathian Basin; in the middle of the eleventh
century efforts to make vassals of the Christianized and settled Hungarians occurred ever
more frequently.
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